Sunday, February 19, 2012

MONTEREY COUNTY'S INNOVATIVE OUTREACH FACES FEAR, SHAME AND INEQUITY TO LESSEN CHILDREN'S HEALTH RISKS


H U N G E R
P A I N S

Buying Time: If there’s one defining experience of accessing public assistance, it’s waiting. Lines at the food bank and the county social services office and up to 30 day waits for CalFresh application processing can deter eligible individuals from applying.
With more than a quarter of Monterey County’s children living in poverty, accessing food takes priority.


PHOTO CAPTION: Buying Time: If there's one defining experience of

accessing public assistance, it’s waiting.

Lines at the food bank and the county social services office

and up to 30 day waits for CalFresh (aka food stamps) application

can deter eligible individuals from applying.

Photo by Nic Coury


Linda's Hearth note: I find this article interesting in scope, teaching me lots about our neighboring County to the South.

By Sara Rubin, February 16, 2012


Children ride around on tricycles in the King City Fairgrounds parking lot. They look like they’ve gathered to play on a sunny morning, under the watch of grown-ups who stand around talking, some sharing coffee and breakfast burritos and wearing jackets and hats against a morning chill. It’s empty pushcarts next to the adults – the jerry-rigged, ragged vessels they will use to tote food home – that give any hint at what’s actually happening here. 


The line is for a monthly distribution from the Food Bank for Monterey County, where more than 500 families will fill small carts with food. 


Against the backdrop of fallow February fields, there’s a striking barrenness to the scene. There is also a bitter irony: Most of the needy in line are farmworkers by summer, picking the crops that have turned the so-called Salad Bowl of America into one of the nation’s most prolific sources of healthy vegetables. 


But feeding themselves and their families is its own challenge. 


“The people harvesting this food do not have access to this food,” says Ambar Tovar, coordinator of the Public Benefits Program for the United Farm Workers Foundation. “They are the ones bringing the food to the table, but they are the ones that go hungry. That’s what Cesar Chavez would speak about.” 


The UFW created the foundation in 2006 to help its own members and their families access programs and benefits that are available to this mostly undocumented immigrant population. The foundation has since opened Salinas and Greenfield outreach offices to serve Monterey County’s farmworkers, specifically dedicated to increasing enrollment rates in CalFresh, the program formerly known as – and better known as – food stamps. 


Tovar’s mission, powered by a two-year, $75,000 grant from the California Department of Public Health, is to make sure farmworkers understand when they’re eligible. For most, not only can they not afford to feed their families with meager earnings – $15,000 a year for three quarters of the county’s farmworkers, according to a 2011 report by the Central Coast Health Network – but they’re letting public benefits slip by. 


An estimated 52 percent of people eligible for CalFresh don’t receive the benefit, based on a 2010 report by the California Food Policy Advocates. (See story, p. 22.)


Illiteracy, pride and a lack of transportation all contribute to that gap, as do reporting demands, like quarterly document requirements. “If they’re only working six or nine months a year they’re not going to miss a day of work to go to an interview to get CalFresh benefits,” Tovar says. 


Even as budget cuts strike government jobs, the county Department of Social and Employment Services has kept a five-person outreach team to traverse the county educating the poor on benefits they qualify for, and how to get them.


While the sun shifts, making the hundreds of bundled people waiting in the King City parking lot appear suddenly over-dressed, the county staff work the line, handing out fliers with CalFresh eligibility information. 


All of these rigorous efforts still aren’t enough to reach most of the county’s hungry. About half of the people in the 90,000 households countywide who receive food bank assistance aren’t eligible for public benefits at all, and that’s for one simple fact: They’re undocumented immigrants.


But for undocumented parents of citizen children, their households are still eligible for CalFresh (prorated based on number of legal residents). With more than a quarter of Monterey County’s children living below the federal poverty line, Tovar says getting those families to overcome fear around government agencies is imperative for helping quell hunger in rural areas. 


With more than 22,000 children often uncertain of where their next meal will come from, County Director of Social and Employment Services Elliott Robinson says it’s essential to get everyone who qualifies for CalFresh enrolled in the program. 


“When you think about how much money it takes to put a roof over your head, to feed yourself, to clothe yourself, to get to and from work, it’s a pricey endeavor,” Robinson says. “All those families are facing deep challenges putting food on the table.” 


As the Great Recession lingers, food donations are a fraction of what they once were – while supermarkets and processors formerly sent semis with surpluses every three weeks, today Food Bank for Monterey County is lucky to welcome in a truck every five months. Seventeen percent of the county lives in poverty. But an extensive government and nonprofit network has never been more strategically innovative in its efforts to end local hunger.


• • •


Near the back of the line snaking through the parking lot in King City, Angelina Mora intermittently holds her 3-year-old daughter on her hip. She usually lines up among some 800 recipients for the food bank’s monthly drop in Greenfield, where she lives. In the winter, she makes the trip to King City, and waits to approach pallets of potatoes, oranges, eggs, canned green beans and cranberry juice. 


After Mora had kids, traveling to Yuma for winter work became impossible, and she says she’s been unemployed since November. “There is no work,” she says in Spanish. She’s already enrolled in CalFresh, but still depends on the food bank to make sure there’s enough to eat. 


A seasonal spike in benefits applications corresponds to seasonal unemployment cycles: Applications in November are double what they are in June. Even when seasonal ag workers do have jobs, many of them would still qualify for CalFresh, but enrollment numbers still decline. 


“They feel, ‘I’m working. Even if I meet the income guidelines, I don’t need to use it,’” Tovar says.


She works on dismantling the barriers to enrollment, starting by dismantling myths about CalFresh and public assistance. Among the most common: that children will have to enroll in the military; immigration officials will be notified; that the money will need to be paid back. 


There’s also a cultural barrier. “In Mexico, there is no safety net program. They are navigating a system that is new to them,” Tovar says. 


The UFW Foundation, Catholic Charities and county staff also direct South County’s growing indigenous Mexican population to the Binational Center for the Development of Oaxacan Indigenous Communities, a Fresno-based nonprofit with two of its five offices located in Monterey County (Greenfield and Pajaro). There, bilingual interpreters – Spanish and Triqui, Spanish and Mixteco – can help translate for non-Spanish speakers from the southern Mexican states of Oaxaca, Puebla and Guerrero. 


Estela Ramirez, a Triqui interpreter at Centro Binacional, says almost all the 3,000 indigenous Mexicans in South County are farmworkers. “In the winter, when there is no work, they live off their savings and CalFresh,” she says in Spanish.


Ramirez worked in the fields when she first moved here from Oaxaca six years ago. She and her four-member family depend on CalFresh in the winter when her husband isn’t working in ag. 


She says many indigenous families, often with four to eight kids, rely on filling staples like rice and beans to nourish them through the winter as savings dwindle. 


Robinson says benefits are essential in this region with seasonal surges in unemployment. “In our community, people come here to work, not to receive public assistance,” he adds.


Being poor here is a better prospect than being poor in Mexico, Ramirez adds, because benefits like CalFresh help sustain families through hard times. 


Keeping the county’s poor nourished – and not just fed junk that leads to other problems – is a challenge itself. Jason Johnston, a physician’s assistant at Clinica de Salud in Greenfield, counsels his patients on the importance of eating fruits and vegetables, and refers his indigenous patients to Centro Binacional, around the corner. 


“When folks are working constantly eight months of the year, they don’t have time to cook,” Johnston says. “And the rest of the year, they don’t have the money to buy healthy produce if they’re barely paying the rent. It’s a struggle, whether it’s time or money.”


• • •


A knee-high salad bar in Steinbeck Elementary School in East Salinas displays a small color wheel of vegetables: corn, beets, pineapple and iceberg lettuce. The children organize themselves with grown-up-like order and file down the salad bar, serving themselves. 


For most of them, this free school lunch will be their biggest meal of the day. In the Alisal Union School District, 89 percent of students qualify for free and reduced priced meals. Because the district exceeds an 80-percent federal threshold, they serve the entire student population instead of verifying records for each individual student.


Foodservice Director Irene Vargas runs a $4.3 million operation, which has been offering salad bars for almost a decade. She estimates 80 percent of students’ families struggle to put food on the table, leaving school breakfast, lunch and two snacks the only meals some of them will eat. 


In addition to feeding hungry children, Vargas is on the leading edge of a shift away from simply serving up calories to serving healthy meals.


She’s committed to creative recipes, extending the lives of cheap U.S. Department of Agriculture commodities by incorporating fresh, local foods (think pureed parsnip with mashed potatoes). Her newest creation is baked sweet potato sticks sprinkled with cinnamon, a French fry substitute. 


The drive toward healthier options, part of the apparent oxymoron that obesity and hunger can plague the same low-income population, isn’t actually all that surprising. For kids who may not have dinner at home, they train themselves to eat the most calories on the cheapest budget. “If you give them a dollar or two, they buy a bag of chips, which is bigger than a banana and an apple,” says Lupe Covarrubias of the Health Department’s Network for a Healthy California. 


Like their parents who struggle to overcome barriers to CalFresh, kids are reluctant to adapt to healthier foods. “It’s a culture thing here,” Vargas says. “They want to bring their tamales from home. Some parents think an overweight child is a healthy child.” 


Back in Greenfield, Johnston says most patients he sees at Clinica are overweight. “We spend a lot of time trying to change diet behaviors,” he says. 


Improving access to healthy food is no easy feat. But the nonprofits helping feed the county’s hungry have taken note of the irony that those who harvest the healthiest food can barely afford to eat at all, and as they try and improve the CalFresh enrollment rate, they’re also trying to get more nutritious food on people’s plates. 


In season, the Food Bank unloads pallets of produce, creating essentially a free farmers market. People walk away with about 50 pounds of fresh vegetables apiece a month in the summer. And 20 percent of the state’s CalFresh-friendly farmers markets are on the Central Coast, where 19 markets accept EBT cards, the electronic benefit transfer cards that have replaced paper food stamps.


Salinas-based ALBA Organics funds a match program, giving customers a dollar for every CalFresh dollar they spend at farmers markets, backed by MC Gives! contributions. Last year, ALBA leveraged an additional $6,000 at local markets.



The people harvesting this food do not have access to this food. says Ambar Tovar, coordinator of the Public Benefits Program for the United Farm Workers Foundation. They are the ones bringing the food to the table, but they are the ones that go hungry. That’s what Cesar Chavez would speak about. ~~ says Ambar Tovar, of UFW Foundation's Public Benefits Program




As public benefits administrators trade the old model of serpentine lines and long waits at a county office for in-person interactions and open-air markets, Social Services Outreach Coordinator Annette Gallegos sends a five-person outreach team all over the county to food bank lines, churches, and neighborhood gatherings.


They’ve been recognized by the USDA as one of two counties nationwide to be named a “Hunger Champion Mentor” in 2008. 


“A lot of our clients need a lot of hand-holding through the entire process,” says Leslie Sunny, Food Bank executive director. “Being a point-of-entry is not enough.” 


• • •


Towering stacks of Cheerios, canned goods, boxes of fresh pastries and cases of soda frame food bank staff and volunteers sweeping the floor. As outreach workers strive to access a greater percentage of the county’s growing numbers of working poor, they need more resources than ever before. But the supply side of the system – purchasing, sorting, moving perishables quickly – encounters some of the same economic challenges as many of the hungry people it serves.


Food banks and school lunch programs are, by design, dumping grounds for surplus foods. The USDA buys some $2 billion of food a year to stabilize market prices, quickly moving canned peaches or string beans to avoid a glut that sinks the value of those goods. USDA then sells those commodities cheaply. 


Even at discounted rates, the cost of food keeps rising. In the past year alone, a truckload of USDA peanut butter soared from $37,000 to $72,000 a load. Playing a sort of financial Tetris, Sunny stretches her $100,000 USDA allocation for the next six months by ordering pinto beans, ground beef, apricot halves and applesauce – no peanut butter.


Sunny says she stretches her $1.5 million annual budget as far as possible, boasting that with each dollar donated she puts out $8 of food. There’s really no choice if the Food Bank hopes to continue to serve an increasing number of Monterey County’s hungry: In 2004, the Food Bank received 850,000 pounds of food donations from retailers, and in 2011, only 150,000. 


Meanwhile, more people than ever rely on public assistance. Since 2006, the average number of households in Monterey County receiving CalFresh has more than doubled from 6,000 to 14,000.


Increased enrollment numbers could reflect progress on the part of a ramped-up outreach effort, but it’s a progress that’s morbid at best: “I don’t know if it has increased because we’re doing outreach or because the economy has declined,” Gallegos says. 


Sunny shares a safer observation: That as hard as things are, and as many there are who already seek help, there are plenty more that remain unseen and out of reach.


“There is hunger here in Monterey County,” she says, “and it is hidden.”

Wednesday, February 15, 2012

'A People's History of the United States' Comes to Life

The school is Team En­gle­wood High School, lo­cated in one of the city's poor­est com­mu­ni­ties, and the stu­dents are part of a group that will per­form a local spin­off per­for­mance of Howard Zinn's A Peo­ple's His­tory of the United States in the spring. The adults are a small group of movie stars, rap­pers, pub­li­cists, pho­tog­ra­phers, pro­duc­ers, teach­ers, and re­porters.

And, no pres­sure, but they've all come to hear what Team En­gle­wood's seven se­niors have to say.

As part of the pro­mo­tion for a new ed­u­ca­tion ini­tia­tive based on Zinn's book, Matt Damon and Lupe Fi­asco, both of whom ap­peared in the 2009 doc­u­men­tary, The Peo­ple Speak, have come to Chicago to per­form in a ben­e­fit show and to talk to the En­gle­wood stu­dents about Amer­i­can his­tory and hear them per­form some of their own pieces.

"If [stu­dents] can con­nect to these his­tor­i­cal fig­ures, hope­fully they will see them­selves as part” of his­tory, Damon said, touch­ing on one of the cen­tral goals of Zinn’s work—and of the non­profit Voices of a Peo­ple’s His­tory of the United States, which has cre­ated a cur­ricu­lum based on Zinn’s book. The group’s mis­sion is to “bring to light lit­tle known voices from U.S. his­tory,” in­clud­ing those of in­ner-city stu­dents of color. As part of this goal, they are rolling out an ed­u­ca­tor’s toolkit for 1,000 teach­ers in Chicago, com­plete with videos, les­son plans, and lo­cally rel­e­vant read­ings.

“We se­lect ma­te­r­ial from the past that speaks to the pre­sent,” said Brenda Cough­lin, founder and di­rec­tor of the non­profit. “We want stu­dents and peo­ple in the com­mu­ni­ties to be able to … say to young peo­ple: you make his­tory.”

“We’re ex­pand­ing the no­tion of what lit­er­a­ture is: a canon for the peo­ple, of the peo­ple,” says Kevin Coval, a hip-hop poet, ed­u­ca­tor and co-founder of the teen po­etry fes­ti­val Louder Than A Bomb, who is over­see­ing the pro­ject in Chicago. Stu­dents will be asked to re­spond to speeches from So­journer Truth, Fred­er­ick Dou­glass, and oth­ers with their own text in their own words.

“It’s re­ally nice to hear you guys own your own voices and have power,” Damon tells the group. Hav­ing grown up next door to Zinn in Boston, he says bring­ing the pro­ject to life with the voices of stu­dents is par­tic­u­larly ex­cit­ing for him. Damon, who was in el­e­men­tary school when A Peo­ple’s His­tory was first re­leased, in 1980, brought the book to class on Colum­bus Day that year, and read from the first chap­ter on in­dige­nous peo­ple.

A key mes­sage of Zinn’s work, Damon told the stu­dents, is that “change al­ways, al­ways comes from the bot­tom up.” It’s up to any­one “at the bot­tom to ag­i­tate and de­mand what is due to them.”

For stu­dents like those at Team En­gle­wood High School, the em­pow­er­ment as­pect is cen­tral. The En­gle­wood neigh­bor­hood led the city in homi­cides last year, and, ac­cord­ing to the Chicago News Co­op­er­a­tive, about 32 per­cent of res­i­dents live below the poverty line.

“It touches me that you guys would come here to En­gle­wood and do work like this,” said Jerome Wade, 17, who said he was born and raised in En­gle­wood. “The first thing [about En­gle­wood] that comes to your mind is gangs, but it isn’t only like that. You may not have the funds to do some­thing, but every­one has a voice.”

The stu­dent’s ex­cite­ment at the celebrity ap­pear­ance—and at sim­ply being lis­tened to—says Chicago-born-and-bred rap­per Lupe Fi­asco, “shows the op­pres­sion of their voices and their ex­pe­ri­ences.”

The pro­gram also hopes to chal­lenge a con­tentious trend in ed­u­ca­tion: the push to edit out parts of his­tory. In Ari­zona, eth­nic stud­ies were banned and de­funded be­cause of al­le­ga­tions of “eth­nic chau­vin­ism,” while a con­ser­v­a­tive group in Ten­nessee wants to re­move any men­tion of the Found­ing Fa­thers being slave own­ers from text­books.

In con­trast, the cur­ricu­lum is meant to be an an­ti­dote to much of main­stream his­tory, which “teaches a wa­tered-down ver­sion of the vic­tors,” says Coval.


Yana Ku­ni­choff wrote this ar­ti­cle for YES! Mag­a­zine, a na­tional, non­profit media or­ga­ni­za­tion that fuses pow­er­ful ideas with prac­ti­cal ac­tions. Yana is a Chicago-based jour­nal­ist with Truthout.​org and The Chicago Re­porter, where she re­ports on pol­i­tics, im­mi­gra­tion, and any­thing going down in the streets.

Tuesday, February 7, 2012

THERE WILL BE BLOOD: California Penal Code Lodging 647(e) VERSUS The First Amendment

'WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS' REGARDING CALIFORNIA'S LODGING LAW 647(e) CHALLENGES LAW'S APPLICATION DURING A FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTED DEMONSTRATION ON BEHALF OF HOMELESS PEOPLE

My Attorney, Jonathan Che Gettleman, Files 'Traverse', Steps Closer to Either a Judge's Decision Or a Hearing

Courts Reassign Case to Honorable Judge Paul Marigonda

by Linda Ellen Lemaster for Linda's hearth

Here's my update and perspective followed by my attorney's recent email filed at the end of January --- regarding the Lodging 647(e) courtroom struggles.

Friday a week ago, Gary Johnson, a homeless defendant from a Lodging ticket sentencing, had a moment in court to try again launch a Demurrer, thanks to his attorney Ed Frey who wanted to get Gary out of jail. Seems hard to persuade Honorable John Gallagher to sense the urgency or critical nature of this law against sleep, as applied locally.

But Gary remains in jail. He's jailed -- for weeks going on a month I guess? -- for actually daring to sleep again outside (by himself now), this since the trial finding him guilty due to sleeping at the same protest where I got my Lodging ticket. Johnson's "guilty" sentence, from which he is on probation, is currently moving through the legal appeals process. Despite what's obvious to everyone else, the courts still have a blind spot regarding the fact that there are way fewer "shelter beds" than there are homeless people; locally, almost to the tune of twenty to one.

Not that I am a proponent of shelving and sheltering everyone in a bunk house. There is NO "one size fits all" solution to our Nation's shameful policy allowing ever compound growth of displaced Americans. It's just really a tangible place to get a handle on the bigoted and shifty politics of homelessness. And the legal system is oh so good at making things more 'black and white' than they are in "reality." Or we might say, "more fixed than transient"?

We can demonstrate that public emergency or walk-in sheltering resources are too few for their job of protecting special needs, disabled, and families-with-children subgroupings of homeless people. Nursing homes are even turning away the frail elderly in our area; people here are dying while waiting for half a room in a nursing or care home. Nobody who's in the shelter business is even pretending to fully serve the able-bodied, white, freshly homeless 'under age 55/over age 24' male.

Yet legal maneuvers and misspent questions in the earlier Lodging trial, where Gary was found guilty, have so far blocked the courts from having any overview that could illustrate the seriousness of this emergency.

Or to put this another way, homeless people and their allies have not yet figured out how best to "prove" to the legal system that there's no legit place Gary Johnson -- and most other local people who find themselves homeless on a given night -- can legally lie down, let alone sleep.

Gary was one of five PeaceCamp2010 demonstrators -- most of them homeless at that time -- who was found guilty in a single trial that ended about a year after the First Amendment PeaceCamp2010 protest was busted up when these Lodging citations were given.

My trial for getting charged with a Lodging 647(e) ticket has been postponed and postponed again by the courts, and more recently (since October 28th) twice more delayed by the D.A. replying to Gettleman's Writ of Habeas Corpus regarding the County Sheriff's application of this Lodging law to roust us.

My attorney did a great job in my view, of bringing the focus of this Writ more clearly back into the light of our First Amendment-protected reasons for assembling there outside the courthouse for over a month.

As earlier noted in this blog, PeaceCamp2010 was protesting the fact that in Santa Cruz County, there is no safe place for the growing population to maintain themselves, individually nor severally, that is safe. Yes, one can get in a shelter, typically for a month. Maybe only three days, maybe for 18 months for a smaller handful of folks; for those who have a sufficient support system. But after the three dry nites, or the wonderful system for a few dozen people who can afford our transitional support scene, the homeless person generally finds herself back outside and treated like scum, like a criminal, regardless their actual behaviors.

The portrayal in court suggests either one is a "good" homeless person who's tucked in at a governmentally regulated shelter at night, or else one is a "bad" homeless person who's wandering around in the dark, looking for opportunities to run amok or to commit crimes. After all, if one is NOT up, at night when outside, one is a criminal by definition. And the Lodging law used here in Santa Cruz County was passed to give a sponge to the state's police: a "tool" to apprehend the meandering person before she stumbles onto a crime of opportunity. I got this stuff from legal researching Lodging.

It already seems to me self-evident that our laws have put the homeless survivor into an ongoing double-bind. And these criminalizing laws appear to make it obvious! Yet somehow the court testimony twists around enough to reinforce mainstream lies, suggesting that if somebody "tries hard enough" to quote District Attorney Sarah Dabkowski in Gary's trial, one CAN get a bed/mat/unit in safe shelter on a given night in City of Santa Cruz.

But back to this Writ about misusing section e of California's Lodging law:

Explicating some of the legal issues previously obscured in court beneath palpable anti-homeless prejudice, this Traverse says that circumventing the First Amendment requires a higher standard of care by law officers than they've testified to having applied during the breakup of PeaceCamp2010.

In this situation, a legitimate approach should have required that established criteria for parkside "time, place and manner" be followed and upheld by Sheriff Deputies; and that the "dampening" of tickets and arrests and orders to banish (vanish?) ourselves totally thwarted our demonstration.

Without some such standards, the government is not permitting our right to free speech in the context of bringing our grievances to our government and talking to our neighbors about an unjust law.

CALIFORNIA'S ANTI LODGING LAW 647(e)
For those interested in following the legal developments, this traverse is worth reading, see below for attachment.

The trial and this aspect of it, following the Writ's challenge to completion, is now assigned to a different court, with Honorable Judge Paul Marigonda.

As my lawyer notes below, Judge Marigonda may simply decide to rule on this Writ now, based on what has been written to the court from both "sides", or he may call for a hearing if he has questions unanswered within the filings. Gettleman told me that there's a good chance the judge's decision could lead to dismissing the need for a trial.

}{ Linda's Editorial comment:
I believe that if Honorable Judge Paul Marigonda is willing to make a clean decision based on the record regarding Lodging 647(e), it will be the cause of joy and relief for many un-named Sleep Criminals all over California. If he tries to play King Solomon with our homeless people's lives at stake, there will be many more trials coming through our courts, perhaps including the dozen or so "illegal Lodgers" from among Occupy Santa Cruz devotees, who dared to sleep or camp or spend some night on another side of the Courthouse this winter. }
{ end LL editorial comment

Thank you, everyone, for your ongoing support and encouragement. Still no specific dates for anything court related. If you know of other people interested in this legal struggle, or about criminalizing people for sleeping in general, please forward them this message or send their contact information to me?


Sleep Is Not A Crime
Free Gary Johnson

............................................................ email from attorney -- Final Traverse (Re your habeas writ)
From:
Jonathan Gettleman
To:Linda Lemaster
habeas_petition_for_linda_lemaster_2_-1.pdf
download PDF (191.4 KB)

(This attachment is the "traverse," or answer to a DA's reply to the writ. -LL)


Final Answer. Now we wait to hear from the Court. We'll either have a hearing or we'll get a ruling directy from the Court without a hearing. Cross your fingers.

I have now filed this. So you can share it with whomever you wish.
Jonathan
Law Office of Jonathan Che Gettleman
Tel: (831) 427-2658 Fax: (831) 515-5228 www.advocateforjustice.net
.................................................................................................................

sincerely,
Linda Ellen Lemaster

Housing NOW! in Santa Cruz

P O Box 42, Davenport, CA 95017

Sunday, February 5, 2012

Join Day of Action, April First: Help Get People Off The Streets

Paul Boden

No Fooling ~~
National Day of Action for
The Right to Exist: April 1st
posted: 01/27/2012 5:17 pm

by Paul Bowden.
Organizing Director for Western Regional Advocacy Project


"They want us out of our community!" and
"We're always told to move on, but to where? There are no places for us to be." -- Survey Respondents

2012-01-27-HouseKeysNotHandcuffs.png

Western Regional Advocacy Project (WRAP) and USA-Canada Alliance of Inhabitants (USACAI) are calling on our members and allies throughout the United States and Canada to join us on April 1 for a bi-national day of action to protest the ongoing criminalization of poor and homeless people in our communities.

We are building a movement to reclaim our communities for all members: not just those who set the rents. In order to build this movement and assert our human rights, we must make clear the myriad of ways in which our community members are treated as though they are less than human. We must "connect the dots."

Over the past 30 years, neoliberal policymakers have substituted private gain for public good; they have abandoned economic and social policies that supported housing, education, healthcare, labor, and immigration programs. WRAP and USACAI are at work identifying and tracking such policy, legal, and funding trends in order to publicize their spread and their effects. This is not a matter of theoretical analysis: this is an investigation of the policies and tools by which more and more people have been made to suffer.

Connecting the dots

Three decades ago, the deregulation of financial industries came simultaneously with the withdrawal of government support for affordable housing. Just since 1995, the United States has lost over 290,588 existing units of public housing and 360,000 Section 8 units, with another 7,107 approved for demolition/disposition since March of 2011. At the same time, some 2.5 million foreclosures have taken place since 2007, an additional 6.9 million foreclosures have been initiated, and a projected 5.7 million borrowers are at risk.

In those same 15 years, over 830,000 new jail and prison cells have been built, draconian immigration laws and eligibility screening criteria have been implemented in housing, healthcare, education and jobs programs, and America's three largest residential mental health facilities are now all county jails (Los Angeles, Chicago, and New York).

A New Wave of Criminalization

1982 marked the beginning of homelessness as a "crime wave" that would consume the efforts of US police forces over the next three decades. Crime statistics show that across the country, millions were sitting, lying down, hanging out, and -- perhaps worst of all -- sleeping. To take one city as an example, by the end of 2011, these new crimes comprised roughly one third of all prosecuted offenses in San Francisco.

We all suffer from governments that waste resources and refuse to develop real solutions to social problems, but the people whose survival is criminalized suffer the most.

Over the past year, WRAP has led a survey effort with its West Coast grassroots members and allies in Portland, Berkeley, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Seattle, Denver, Houston and Worcester, MA documenting homeless people's experiences with the criminal justice system for survival-related "crimes." USACAI has helped WRAP to take this effort broader by reaching out to their members and surveying homeless people in cities throughout the United States on these issues. Survey forms are available inEnglish and Spanish if your organization wants to help build on this initial effort. WRAP is now releasing preliminary results from discussions with over 668 people:

Download the fact sheet here!

78% of survey respondents reported being harassed, cited or arrested by police officers for sleeping outside. 75% reported the same for sitting or lying down, and 76% for loitering or simply "hanging out." These were far and away the top crimes for which homeless people were charged. A sad corresponding fact is that only 25% of respondents believed that they knew of safe, legal places to sleep. In California, the public lodging law makes sleeping outside always illegal for homeless people. The law, by its nature, makes a large class of poor people inescapably criminal.

It can feel easy to scoff at these crimes: most of the relevant laws, nationwide, are summary offenses ("infractions" in California; "violations" in some other states), which means that they can't directly result in any jail or prison time. However, 57% of respondents reported bench warrants issued for their arrest as a result of these citations: that is, if they couldn't afford to pay the fines that these tickets carried, or if they were unable to make court dates, then they became subject to arrest.

Using the Word "We"

Core to our success in this survey research was the active, engaged outreach of volunteers from nearly a dozen different organizations throughout the United States. Using an organizing method that WRAP members have developed and polished on the streets of cities on the West Coast, they were able to procure good information, and, far more importantly, begin important conversations within our communities about the real nature of criminalization and its impacts. By seeking out homeless people in the places where they really spend time and engaging our communities on their own terms, we were able to develop true, communal knowledge, founded in collective experience, and we are able to use the term "we" to talk about our communities in ways that isolated "experts" never can. We are organizing in a more honestly democratic way.

What We Need

This is not about caring for or even advocating for "those people." This is about all of us. As Aboriginal leader Lilla Watson said, "If you have come here to help me, you are wasting your time. But if you have come because your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work together."

The rise of repression in the United States and Canada is a war against all of us. We need all of us to act in this struggle for dignity, fairness and human rights. The people who pay for and profit from the criminalization of homeless people are the same people who benefit from our nations' refusal to meet basic human needs. They are using these laws to do what invading armies do: they attack us at our most vulnerable flanks -- the communities of poor and homeless people who have been subjected to shame and blame for decades.

The sit/lie law that Seattle passed in 1993 is nearly verbatim the same sit/lie law that San Francisco passed in 2010. The sit/lie law that San Francisco passed to use against homeless people is the same sit/lie law that the San Francisco Police Department now uses to harass Occupy protesters.

If you are not homeless, if you are not the target now, then understand that you are next. Isolated and fragmented, we lose this fight. But we are no longer isolated.

We can only win this struggle if we use our collective strengths, organizing, outreach, research, public education, artwork, and direct actions. We are continuing to expand our network of organizations and cities and we will ultimately bring down the whole oppressive system of policing poverty and treating poor people as "broken windows" to be discarded and replaced.


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We are calling for a national day of action on April 1st to raise awareness on this issue. We will be sending out information on ways to get involved in the coming weeks. Stay tuned!

Follow Paul Boden on Twitter: www.twitter.com/@withouthousing

Linda's Hearth note: A lot of very good history folded into this article. I consider it a "must read" for anyone who's interested in ending homelessness.